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It is clear, however, that something became pent up, that what was ultimately needed was a valve, and that this valve now consists of some sugarcoated budget numbers with which Rousseff sought to obscure the truth about major holes in the government budget.

This is the official reason for the impeachment proceedings. The numbers are an excuse for a political trial that is being used to judge Rousseff's entire term in office.

The question now is not so much what will happen to her, but what will happen to Brazil. What happens to a workers' party that is inextricably linked to Brazil's advancement?

When the Partido dos Trabalhadores PT came into power, it fueled hopes among the people that everything would change. That they would become more than a group of voters who put politicians into office and provide them with funds.

Today, 13 years later, the PT itself is one of the parasites that have infested the tree of Brazilian democracy. When Rousseff is asked, on this morning in the presidential palace, why she has so much trouble talking about her party's failings, and about her own involvement in the many crises, she changes the subject.

This isn't the time to talk about that yet, says Rousseff. But others are talking, men who jumped off the train when they realized that it was heading straight for a wall.

The stories they tell are about disappointments, disaffection and betrayed ideals. A feeling of hopelessness has permeated all conversations in the weeks leading up to the Olympics.

Rousseff cuts her own flowers these days. Sometimes she invites senators to dinner at the palace. The goal of these meetings ought to be to convince fickle politicians to vote for her return to the office of president in the critical vote this autumn.

Rousseff believes she is now missing six votes. The outcome is still uncertain, and yet she spends most of her time talking to her guests about literature.

Cristovam Buarque, a short, older man dressed in a suit, is one of those brooding figures that were recently at the palace. We meet with him in his office above the Senate on a morning in July.

Buarque was a cabinet minister in the Lula administration. Today he represents a small leftist party. He's one of those former allies who now hold the key to Rousseff's future.

On the other hand, should we ignore the fact that the woman at the wheel previously ran over a number of people?

Buarque, who earned a doctorate in economics in Paris during the dictatorship, was long the dean of the University in Brasilia. When he joined the PT in , Lula had just failed in his first bid for the presidency.

The story that connects him to the PT is one that many in Brasilia are telling today. Buarque says that one needs to have a sense of the spirit of optimism in those early years to understand the full dramatic impact of the collapse.

The PT, which emerged in from a coalition of leftist resistance groups, labor unions and liberation theologians, was essentially Brazil's first mass political movement.

The street was its home, says Buarque. At first, when the generals were still in power, it built its image by calling for strikes on a regular basis.

Later, when Buarque had already joined the party, Lula spent weeks traveling through remote provinces in a pickup truck, talking to small farmers and the landless, people in whom no one in Brasilia was interested.

It was something new: Politicians who didn't just appeal to the people when they happened to be campaigning for office.

Who offered an ideological program instead of merely trying to buy a few votes for the price of a plate of beans.

Lula called the events citizens' caravans, and Brazil's minorities realized for the first time that they were in fact the majority.

In those years, says Buarque, it became increasingly clear that the recipes recommended by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund only benefited a post-colonial upper class.

A call for more social justice resonated throughout the entire South American continent, not just in Brazil -- and a demand for a new, more honest generation of politicians.

That was the initial situation, in the fall of , when Lula seemed presidential for a majority in Brazil for the first time. He describes an open letter in which Lula appealed to the Brazilian people before the election as the original sin.

To dispel the fears of the middle class that Brazil would follow in the footsteps of Venezuela, where Hugo Chavez had just declared the Bolivarian Revolution, Lula promised economic stability.

The only utopia that survived was the promise that corruption would no longer be tolerated," says Buarque. Lula entrusted the Education Ministry to Buarque.

Perhaps it was out of gratitude, or perhaps because he liked an idea that Buarque had developed as governor of the capital district.

It was later incorporated into the Bolsa Familia program, which remains one of the PT's greatest achievements to this day: Buarque would have liked to have implemented the program himself, but in , a year after he came into office, Lula called to inform him that he needed his post for someone else.

Buarque is one of many whose thoughts are filled with an undertone of melancholy these days. Old wounds are being reopened, or they are being covered up by fundamental questions.

Many in Brasilia believe that the PT needs to reinvent itself, preferably in the opposition, but they question its ability to do so.

Others are calling for new elections, but that would require an amendment to the constitution. Besides, what would happen then?

Where are the presidential candidates who can credibly say today that no one will denounce them tomorrow? He too had his reservations when Rousseff's suspension was recently debated in the congress, but Valente refuses to pave the way for a man like Temer, who represents everything they have always fought, to come into power.

A bearded man with shaggy hair who, like Rousseff, was tortured during the dictatorship, he is now a member of parliament for a small leftist party called PSOL.

I looked at Lula, who had just been elected president, and I still remember thinking: Damn it, it's going to get complicated now.

In Brasilia, the PT encountered a world that was subject to different laws than the streets. Its coordinates have remained the same since the colonial era.

Even though Brazil is no longer a monarchy today, but a so-called coalition presidential system, the political world still revolves around succession, privileges and providing favors.

The Brazilian constitution does not contain a five-percent clause, like the one that requires parties in Germany to secure at least five percent of the vote to enter parliament.

There are no coalition agreements, and lawmakers are not subject to party discipline. As a result, the PT, which held only 91 of a total of seats during Lula's first term in office, had to secure the support of at least members before every vote.

These lawmakers were distributed among 32 other parties. The Brazilian parliament is like a big marketplace, one in which, as Valente puts it, it helps to have the disposition of a horse trader.

Those who need majorities obtain them by handing out ministerial posts or influential positions in government-owned companies. Most of all, he sought to establish ties with a party that, more than any other party, treats politics as a comprehensive business.

The PMDB, an ideologically flexible centrist party founded in the days of the dictatorship, is a collection of the old Brazilian elite, large land owners, media moguls and family clans that have controlled entire states since the colonial era.

They are politicians whose main objective is to ensure that no one gets in the way of their private business dealings. In the year in which Lula swore the first PMDB minister into office, Michel Temer, a lawmaker representing the party, was the president of the parliament.

What should I do? The higher purpose, as he saw it, justified the means of forming an unholy alliance with the class enemy.

Valente says he was surprised at the time, when his party leader, a man he had known in his guerilla days, was caught with a suitcase filled with cash as he was taking it to the office of an affiliated party.

It wasn't until that Valente learned the significance of this suitcase, when it gradually emerged that government positions were not the only bargaining chips at play in the political backrooms of Brasilia.

Private firms that sought to do business with government-owned companies had been coerced to pay bribes to the party leadership.

The scandal exposed that the PT was now part of the system it had set out to change. It was as if Lula had thrown everything overboard, says Valente -- all of the party's values and morals.

The party was suddenly holding its meetings in luxury hotels instead of monasteries. Expensive PR agencies were hired to organize its election campaigns.

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